5 October – Two Decades Since the Fall of Slobodan Milošević
* A magnificent victory of the huge majority of people’s will for dignity, which the DOS appropriated and ruined by individuals’ will for power. Mile Isakov
* 5 October is the end of communism in Serbia at multiple levels, and ten years late. Vojislav Koštunica
* People had great expectations. We wanted to affirm the choice made at the election and to free the media. But, we didn’t want violence, and there was none. Velimir Ilić
* It was crucial that the general strike was a success, owing to the Serbian provinces. The general strike really was risky, but there was no other option - for us it was do or die. Zoran Đinđić
Rebellion
People took to the streets and successfully defended the election results. Milošević was sent to history.
The refusal of the then President of the FRY to acknowledge that he had lost the election to Vojislav Koštunica resulted in the country-wide general strike. Serbia ground to a halt, and the central rally was held in Belgrade, where the change of power was won.
Čanak: ‘If someone from the police had opened fire, the people would have responded, and there is no doubt that a civil war would have followed.’ In the presidential election held on 24 September 2000, the then President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia lost to the nominee of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) Vojislav Koštunica, but refused to acknowledge defeat. This set in motion a chain of events resulting in mass protests across the country, culminating on 5 October.
The Kolubara miners
According to the accounts of the participants in these events, as Milošević refused to acknowledge Koštunica’s election victory, a country-wide general strike was initiated. Workers across Serbia decided to start the protests, with the miners at Kolubara, where electricity is produced for most of the country, launching the strike action on 29 September. The country ground to a halt, and Milošević’s bull-headed refusal to face the reality rallied up the nation on 5 October. Endless lines of cars, buses, and trucks arrived in Belgrade, and even bulldozers were used to break through the police roadblocks. Nenad Čanak, president of the LSV, a party that was part of the DOS, said in a conversation with Kurir that he had been in Novi Sad on that day. He was first on the radio answering Novi Sad locals’ questions alongside Gordana Čomić, a former MP of the Democratic Party. Then he went over to the City Hall in order to ensure the control of the media - which, he added, had been literally ‘spewing out Milošević’s lies’ until that very morning - was taken in a peaceful fashion.
I was explaining to the listeners why we had prevented a close contact between the citizens and the police cordon at the Petrovaradin Bridge. The cordon consisted of unequipped police academy students, and attacking them would have most certainly meant a green light for an action of the special police forces located near the bridge. By preventing contact between the citizens and the young police officers we indubitably prevented clashes and casualties. During the radio show I received information on the goings-on in Belgrade. What I feared the most was bloodshed and street clashes. If someone from the police had opened fire, the people would have responded, and there is no doubt that a civil war would have followed,’ Čanak said.
The military refused to follow orders
Although there were protesters in all Serbian cities, all eyes were on Belgrade. Around 3pm, the city centre was packed, and those gathered there tried to get into the Federal Parliament building, where the material for the second election round, announced earlier, was located. The police used tear gas to disperse the crowds, but a group of people managed to get into the building through a window. Soon the police forces protecting the building pulled back.
In late afternoon, the protesters stormed the Parliament building and went on a destruction and burning rampage. The RTS had a similar fate. One of the most important things on that day, which profoundly affected the course of events that followed, was the refusal of the military units, and then of the police units as well, to go against the people. ‘Milošević had ordered the Army to go into the streets before. This happened on 9 March 1991, so it wouldn’t have been a surprise. March 1991 was different in the sense that the Army obeyed him then, but they did not in 2000,’ Čanak said.
Faced with the anger of the protesters and the silence of the military, Milošević acknowledged defeat, and the new head of state, Vojislav Koštunica, addressed the crowds from the balcony of the Belgrade City Hall building. On 6 October, Milošević officially acknowledged defeat and congratulated the DOS nominee on his election victory.
When we asked him if he would have done anything differently today, the LSV leader said: ‘If back then I had had the strength, no doubt October 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th would have looked different. Serbia would have been a more modern and successful country. Unfortunately, there was no will to implement profound system-wide changes, and we are still living with the consequences of that.
Kurir / Katarina Blagović
Photo: Đorđe Kojadinović / afp / Profimedia
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